Crowns and controversies: the politics of King Charles III’s coronation

Fig. 1 State opening of Parliament

By Dr Jérémy Filet and Calum Cunningham

With the release of Season 5 of The Crown on Netflix in November 2022, a worldwide audience gained access to a somewhat romanticised version of the adult life of the new monarch of the United Kingdom. The series depicts a reformer Prince of Wales, who has novel ideas about society and the defence of the environment. Is this image of the modernised monarch even remotely close to reality? On the eve of King Charles III’s coronation, let us question the continuity and modernity of the British monarchy. While the classic division between royalists and republicans still rages on, will the ceremonial aspects of the coronation bring people together or will it further divide country and Commonwealth? Should the Crown stay neutral, or is Charles trending towards a monarchy more involved in foreign affairs? Indeed, is the new British monarch up to tackle 21^st-century politics and controversies, or is there a strong expectation of changes from the coronation onwards?

The continuity of the Monarchy: an ongoing debate

Fig. 2 Charles wearing the Prince Charles Edward Stuart tartan

On the Queen’s death and Charles’s immediate accession, his decision to take the regnal title Charles III was seen as controversial. Charles has made the deliberate choice to either bypass the memory of Charles Edward Stuart or reappropriate his legacy to send a strong message to Scotland. Bonnie Prince Charlie, one of the Jacobite claimants to the throne of the three kingdoms, was also known as ‘King Charles III’ by his supporters. Besides, his efforts to restore his banished family in 1745-6 have long held the imagination of many Scots. The new king could have chosen any of his other forenames – Philip, Arthur, or George – and it was long rumoured he would choose the regnal title ‘George VII’ to honour his grandfather. Not doing so suggests he is maintaining a link with the Stuart monarchs, Kings Charles I and II, and shows the royals are aware of nomenclature and the connotations surrounding the name Charles within the history of the three kingdoms. This idea is reinforced by Charles’s choice to wear the Prince Charles Edward Stuart tartan while standing guard over his mother’s coffin. The royals’ connection with Scotland has been long-established since the Victorian era, but Elizabeth II’s fondness culminated in her passing at her beloved Balmoral Castle. Is Charles III intentionally attempting to smooth over past rifts between Scotland and England? The king will be supported in this task by his wife and Queen Consort, Camilla, following Elizabeth II’s suggestion that she be given the title at the Platinum Jubilee celebrations.

Further afield, other European states continue to embrace the institution of modern monarchy. The accountability of the ‘working royals’ in the Netherlands has led to increasing popularity. In the age of social media, public outrages can damage the brand of the royal family, as illustrated by the scandals involving the King of Spain. Charles seems to have understood that a ‘slimmed down’ monarchy creates fewer opportunities for embarrassment. His ‘five-year plan’ builds on this idea and aims to reduce the cost and number of working royals. This strategy  has worked well for the monarchies of Denmark and Sweden, and Charles appears to be sensitive to perceived royal expenditure. The new king plans to give ‘value for money’ to the British taxpayer by reducing the number of royals who depend on the Crown financially. Will Charles’s ‘five-year plan’ make him more beloved or less so? This plan will begin in earnest after the coronation.

A modern coronation for a modernised monarchy?

Fig. 3 Coronation invitation

The coronation may feel to some like an episode from a different era, but it is, first and foremost, a political event. The coronation is a chance to promote the United Kingdom on the world stage, but its overinflated budget overshadows Charles’s will to make savings. The procession, service and all the imagery the coronation incorporates remain crucial for the modern monarchy. The coronation’s official invitation shows such symbolism of the new reign. Most prominent is the Green Man, ‘an ancient figure from British folklore, symbolic of spring and rebirth’ and likely a nod to Charles’s green thumb. The new king is a committed environmentalist. Among the representations of wildlife and foliage is Carolean oak leaves that remind us of the connection with the Stuarts (and, afterwards, the Jacobites).

While Charles may encourage a ‘cheaper’ and greener coronation, he will still be enveloped in priceless regalia. Perhaps the main ‘character’ of the ceremony is the crown. This new Carolean era and the links with Charles II are further strengthened in the use of St Edward’s Crown at the moment of coronation. This medieval crown was melted down but remade in 1660-1 following the Restoration of the Stuart dynasty. The new king may also be thinking of the future as his heir William, Prince of Wales, through his mother, Princess Diana, will be the first British monarch directly descended from Charles II. Moreover, Charles III’s forward-thinking includes requesting his eldest grandson, Prince George, and second-in-line to the throne participate as one of his pages of honour. This ceremonial position makes the prince the youngest future king ever to have been requested to take on this role on this solemn occasion.

The coronation begins with an elaborate procession from Buckingham Palace to Westminster Abbey. The service contains several elements conducted in a specific order. The recognition involves those in attendance shouting ‘God Save the King’. Charles will then take the oath, promising to uphold the law and his role as Supreme Governor of the Church of England. Perhaps the most important element encompasses the religious anointing of the new monarch in the Coronation Chair by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The same procedure is repeated for the Queen Consort. Roughly 2,000 individuals will attend, including heads of state, other European monarchs, and representatives of the Commonwealth. First Lady Jill Biden will also represent the United States, as the long-held custom is for US presidents to decline an invitation. After meeting Charles in Belfast last September, Sinn Féin’s republican vice-president, Michelle O’Neill, will attend the ceremony noting, “We are living in a time of great change”, thus highlighting the evolving political landscape of the UK.

Monarch and politics: a controversial mix

Fig. 4 Charles and EU President

The UK is a constitutional monarchy that limits the monarch’s power, who reigns but does not rule. King Charles III is the head of state and commander-in-chief of the armed forces. He also asks the Prime Minister to form a government in his name and performs ceremonial and representative duties. Nevertheless, Charles III is bound to respect the nonpartisan obligation of the monarchy despite retaining the power of royal assent and the possibility of sufficient political power in the case of a hung parliament. However, there has been concern that the new king would keep ‘meddling in politics’, although he has declared he was ‘not that stupid’. Questions have, therefore, arisen over the new monarch’s shift towards greater involvement in international politics at a time when the royal family is engulfed in controversies.

Following the debacle of the accusations against Prince Andrew, Elizabeth II decided to strip him of all his titles and duties. After this scandal, the royal family could have done with a break, but Prince Harry, also known as the ‘Spare’, released a book almost as damaging to the monarchy’s image as Diana’s 1992 biography. Although it has been argued that Spare could positively affect the royal brand, talks about stripping the Sussexes of their titles have been detrimental to the family’s image. All of this is happening at a crucial moment in the history of the United Kingdom as Nicola Sturgeon’s campaign for Scottish independence was cut short by the supreme court in November 2022. In Scotland, the coronation continues to stir up tensions: a bookshop in Glasgow refused to sell a book because it included Charles III as an inspirational historical figure. Charles’s relationship with Scotland appears strong, but Humza Yousaf, the newly elected Scottish First Minister, continues to lead a government pushing for Scottish independence. In England, a movement under the banner #NotMyKing is reminiscent of previous scandals around the Sex Pistols’ hit ‘God Save the Queen’. In Ireland, some want an ‘open debate’ about a union, but data on public support suggests no clear trend upwards or downwards. Charles visited Belfast shortly after his accession, a few months before the new UK-EU trade deal was negotiated with a key US role. This visit was well-received by unionists just before the 25^th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. Whereas President Biden was invited to Northern Ireland by Number 10, Charles sent a representative to meet with the US president. In the context of the post-Brexit NI agreement, the king at Windsor Castle received EU president Ursula Von der Leyden. Downing Street claimed to have initiated the meeting, but some thought it was devised to signal the royalist unionists or to imply that the king approved the Windsor framework.

Charles was also supposed to meet with French President Emmanuel Macron in the Versailles Palace, the former residence of absolutist king Louis XIV. This meeting would also have sent quite a message to royalists and republicans in the UK and the Commonwealth. The meeting did not go through due to troubles around retirement age in France, and Charles travelled to Germany to deliver a speech at the Bundestag. In this politically engaged speech, Charles took a position on the Ukraine war, excoriating Russia’s invasion. The king emphasised “the special bond of friendship” between Germany and England while carefully avoiding to mention Brexit. He stressed his agenda for the two countries to work together on net zero and renewable energy. This move could signal a shift in long-established precedents of the royals’ non-involvement in politics, which Elizabeth II upheld during her 70-year reign. Indeed, the speech happened only a few days after William, Prince of Wales (Charles’s heir), voiced his support for Ukraine on a trip to Poland. Is the new king slowly blurring the lines between the role of the Crown and the government, and is this dangerous for the royal family? Is Charles making a calculating risk by getting more involved as head of state, and does this change come at the right time? Charles III might be as green a king as he was a prince, as suggested in the coronation invitation and the Bundestag speech. This stance has attracted considerable support from climate change fighters in the UK. However, Charles is not just the king of the UK but also the head of the Commonwealth and a consensual one at that! He is also the head of state of 14 countries, including Canada and Australia. Among those countries, some in the Caribbean are tempted to leave the monarchy. Australia has announced it will not have Charles’s face on its notes, while some in Canada also advocate for a republic. Is Charles sending a message about the royals’ relevance by getting more involved in politics before his coronation? In any case, the coming years will decide the monarchy’s future and, in its wake, the fate of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth.

Dr Jérémy Filet is teaching fellow at Manchester Metropolitan University. A cultural historian, he specializes on Jacobitism and its connection to the Grand Tour. As an Associate fellow of the Royal Historical Society, he was invited speaker to the BBC Radio show “You’re dead to me” (2023) and contributed to public history outreach for The Conversation (2017-2021) and Heart Radio Canada (2021-2023). He recently published with VIATICA (2023), History Ireland (2021), and the International Historical Review (2023).”

Calum Cunningham is a final-year PhD candidate at the University of Stirling. His thesis focuses on the political criminalization of Jacobitism. He has recently written on the external Jacobite diasporas and has several forthcoming publications, including a study concerning evolving British state treason legislation.